To Republicans’ dismay, Democrats are instead falling into line like, well, the GOP used to back in the day.

Since Vice President Kamala Harris was endorsed by Biden as his successor on Sunday afternoon, her campaign says it has raised $100 million, while digital Democratic fundraiser Act Blue took in more than $90 million. By Monday, every state party chair had endorsed Harris. The governors of Illinois, Michigan Wisconsin, Minnesota and Kansas also announced their support within minutes of one another, reconstructing a “blue wall” that had been looking increasingly shaky.

By Monday evening, Harris had secured enough delegates to become the presumptive nominee.

Republicans, who built their entire campaign around running against an incumbent even older than their 78-year-old nominee, were caught flat-footed, stunned by the discipline Democrats deployed in working to bring Biden to the realization that he should step down. The drama turned out to be intense, but short-lived. Just a little over three weeks from his disastrous debate, Biden ended his bid for a second term.

Republicans were counting on a summer of infighting among top Democratic prospects. Instead, it is they who suddenly have the oldest candidate ever to run for president, and one who may have his own cognitive issues.

For all the GOP whining about the lack of “process” regarding Biden’s replacement, Democrats managed to do what Republicans could not: ease their candidate out, and in doing so, hit a reset button that allows them to potentially reframe the election on more advantageous terms.

Former President Donald Trump now can expect to get savaged by an opponent already redefining this race. As a seasoned prosecutor who brought frauds, cheats and sexual abusers to justice, Harris said in a recent appearance to a roaring crowd, “Hear me when I say I know Donald Trump’s type.”

But Trump has spent the better part of a decade tearing apart the Republican Party and reconstructing it in his own image. He can be counted on to fight as though his life and freedom depended on it, as it might, given his legal issues. Republicans have only begun to tear into Harris, and will undoubtedly be spurred on by a new Reuters Ipsos poll released Tuesday showing Harris edging past Trump with a 2-percentage-point lead (a difference within the survey’s 3% margin of error). Other polls continue to show a race in flux.

Trump has a fanatically loyal base — as evidenced by the number of ear bandages some GOP convention delegates wore in solidarity with the recent attempt on his life. But it’s also no secret that some in his party would prefer a different nominee. From old-school Reaganites to the primary voters who cast ballots for Nikki Haley long after she had left the race, the desire for an alternative to the MAGA megalomaniac has been palpable.

For Democrats, the task that lies ahead for the next 100 or so days is to sustain the outburst of unity in a party whose many elements are often at odds with one another. Like Biden, Harris in the past has struggled with low approval ratings. Her opportunity now lies in her ability to reframe the campaign around her strengths, which are significant. Chief among them is her proven ability to speak unashamedly about abortion and reproductive freedom in a way that Biden never could.

Harris and the party will have to deal with a lot of nonsense along the way. One Republican House member has already filed — pardon the expression — trumped up articles of impeachment against her.

No campaign sprints through its last 100 days trouble-free. This race, widely expected to be close, bitter and hard fought to the end, will be no exception.

Democrats have bought themselves a fresh start. They must not squander it.

Patricia Lopez is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering politics and policy. She is a former member of the editorial board at the Minneapolis Star Tribune, where she also worked as a senior political editor and reporter.

His ultimate success on April 20, however, came at a dear price, one paid by Ukrainians in blood and in the countless lives that might have been saved had Johnson taken up the bill when it was passed by the Senate in February. His refusal to marshal the coalition of Democratic and GOP votes in support of the package faded in the face of expert briefings that finally convinced him of the gravity of the situation and the importance of Ukraine’s fight to U.S. interests.

Instead of catering to MAGA extremists, Johnson declared himself a “Reagan Republican,” rejecting the isolationism that has come to dominate the party’s extremists. It was a refreshing and unexpected turn from Johnson.

Such talk is seldom heard these days from the party of Donald Trump. Even rarer is Johnson’s affirmation of the value of gathered intelligence. “I really do believe the intel and the briefings that we got,” Johnson said. “I think Vladimir Putin would continue to march through Europe if he were allowed. I’d rather send bullets to Ukraine than American boys,” he said noting that his son will enter the U.S. Naval Academy this fall.

The speaker is learning one lesson over and over again. His biggest victories have come through the most conventional means: forming coalitions and building on common interests to reach a reasonable middle ground, with the occasional sweetener for recalcitrant members.

Johnson devised a complex strategy for the $95 billion aid package that broke it into four pieces, allowing debate and amendments on each so all members could have their say. The $60 billion in aid for Ukraine included a loan component to mollify Republicans on the fence. The $26 billion for Israel included $10 billion in humanitarian aid for Gaza that Democrats wanted. A third piece was $8 billion in aid to Taiwan and other Indo-Pacific allies against the threat of Chinese aggression, while the fourth bill featured sanctions against Russia and Iran, and the potential ban or sale of TikTok. All four pieces passed with strong bipartisan support.

He also wisely refrained from an earlier intention to bundle the deal with a modified version of the Republican border bill — a sure dealbreaker in the Senate.

These are all nuanced, important measures that helped the deal go through and perhaps signs that his leadership is maturing. Efforts like these are not a surrender, regardless of what the extremists may say. They are the only way to govern in a closely divided body.

Democrats proved critical to Johnson’s efforts, even in getting the package to the floor. In a rare occurrence, Democrats broke with tradition and provided Republicans with the votes to ensure its passage out of the Rules Committee. Democrats also cast most of the votes needed to pass the Ukraine aid package, providing 219 votes to the Republicans’ 101. Though a bit lopsided, that nevertheless is a strong and unassailable bipartisan effort that should be commended.

Democrats also displayed impressive discipline in refusing to address threats by Johnson’s right flank to oust him as speaker. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries commended Johnson and what he called “traditional conservatives” for passing the total aid package, but wisely refrained from making it appear as though there was a quid pro quo to rescue Johnson’s speakership.

Democrats and Republicans also teamed up to deliver a satisfying comeuppance to Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene. The self-styled queen of MAGA conservatives offered an amendment to zero out Ukrainian aid and was met with a resounding defeat, 349 to 71.

However Johnson came to his epiphany on the need for the U.S. to stand by its allies and against the world’s bullies, it reaffirmed this country’s willingness to provide world leadership. It also provided a moment of unity that the House may need to draw on again as it faces down aggressors and tyrants.

Patricia Lopez is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering politics and policy. She is a former member of the editorial board at the Minneapolis Star Tribune, where she also worked as a senior political editor and reporter.